INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY AND ITS FUTURE by theodore john kaczynski


Introduction 1. The Industrial Revolution and its consequences have been a disaster Tor the human race. They have greatly increased the life-expectancy of those of us who live in “advanced” countries, but they hitvc destabilized society, have made life unfulfilling, have subjected human beings to indignities, have led to widespread psychological suffering (in the Third World to physical suffering as well) and have inflicted severe damage on the natural world. The continued development of technology will worsen the situation. Il will certainly subject human beings lo greater indignities and inflict greater damage on the natural world, it will probably lead to greater social disruption and psychological suffering, and it may lead to increased physical suffering even in “advanced” countries.

2. The industrial-technological system may survive or it may break down. If it survives, it may eventually achieve a low level of physical and psychological suffering, but only after passing through a long and very painful period of adjustment and only at the cost of permanently reducing human beings and many other living organisms lo engineered products and mere cogs in the social machine. Furthermore, if the system survives, the consequences will be inevitable; There is no way of reforming or modifying the system so as lo prevent it from depriving people of dignity and autonomy.

3. If (lie system breaks down the consequences will still be very painful. But the bigger the system grows the more disastrous the results of its breakdown will be, so if it is to break down il had best break down sooner rather than later.

4. We therefore advocate a revolution against ihe industrial system. This revolution may or may not make use of violence: il may he sudden or il may be a relatively gradual process spanning a few decades. We can’l predict any of that. Bui we do outline in n very general way the measures that those who hale the industrial system should take in order to prepare the way for a revolution against that form or society. This is not lo be a political revolution. Its object will be lo overt h ro w not governments but the economic and technological basis of Ihe present society.

5. In this mliclc we give atlcnlion to only some of ihe negative developments Hurt have grown out of llie industrial-technological system. Other such developments we mention only briefly or ignore altogether. This docs not mean that we regard these other developments as unimpor- tant, For practical reasons we have lo confine our discussion lo areas thai have received insufficient public attention or in which we have something new lo say. For example, since there arc well-developed environmental and wilderness movements, we have written very little about environmental degradation or the destruction of wild nature, even though we con- sider these lo be highly important. , – โ€ข The Psychology Of Modern Leftism

6. Almost everyone will agree that we live in a deeply troubled society. One of the most wide- spread manifestations of thecraziness of our world is leftism, so a discussion of the psychol- ogy of leftism can serve as an introduction to the discussion of ihe problems of modern soci- ety in general.

7. But what is leftism? During the first half of ihe 20th ceolury leftism could have been practi- cally identified with socialism. Today the movement is fragmented and il is not clear who can properly be called a leftist. When we speak of leftists in this article we have in mind mainly socialists, collectivism, “politically correct” types, feminists, gay and disability activists, ani- mal rights activists and the like. But not everyone who is associated with one of these move- , mcnls is a leftist. What we are trying to gel at in discussing leftism is not so much a movement or an ideology as a psychological type, Of rather a collection of related types.

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    Introduction ๐ŸŽฎ 1 โ—. The Industrial ๐Ÿญ Revolution โœŠโš” and its consequences ๐Ÿ™Š๐Ÿ™€ have been a disaster ๐ŸŒŠ๐Ÿ’ต Tor the human ๐Ÿ‘ค race ๐Ÿƒ. They have greatly ๐Ÿ‘ increased โฌ†๐Ÿ“ˆ the life-expectancy of those of us ๐Ÿ‡บ๐Ÿ‡ธ who live ๐Ÿ˜ฉ in “advanced ๐ŸŽŠ” countries ๐Ÿ‡บ๐Ÿ‡ธ๐Ÿž๐ŸŒŽ, but ๐Ÿ‘ they hitvc destabilized society ๐ŸŒ๐Ÿ‘ฅ, have made ๐Ÿ‘‰ life ๐Ÿ‘ค unfulfilling, have subjected ๐Ÿ˜ ๐Ÿ—ฏ human ๐Ÿ‘ค beings ๐Ÿ’ฆ to indignities, have led ๐Ÿ‘‰๐Ÿ‘Œ๐Ÿ’ฆ to widespread ๐Ÿ˜ท psychological ๐Ÿง  suffering ๐Ÿ˜ฃ๐Ÿ˜ซ๐Ÿ˜– (in the Third ๐Ÿฅ‰ World ๐ŸŒŽ to physical ๐Ÿ‘๐Ÿ˜ฑ๐Ÿ˜ค suffering ๐Ÿ˜ญ as well ๐Ÿ˜ฆ) and have inflicted severe ๐Ÿ“‰ damage ๐Ÿ’ฅ on ๐Ÿ”› the natural ๐ŸŒฟ world ๐ŸŒŽ. The continued โฉ development ๐Ÿš€ of technology ๐Ÿ’ก will worsen ๐Ÿ˜“๐Ÿ˜ฉ the situation ๐Ÿ’น. Il ๐Ÿ™€ will certainly ๐Ÿ”— subject ๐Ÿ“ human ๐Ÿ‘ค beings ๐Ÿ˜˜๐Ÿ’ฆ lo โœŠ๐Ÿ’ฆ greater ๐Ÿ’ช๐Ÿ”† indignities and inflict ๐Ÿ˜ต greater ๐Ÿ‘ damage ๐Ÿ’ฅ on ๐Ÿ”› the natural ๐ŸŒฟ world ๐ŸŒŽ, it will probably ๐Ÿ˜ป lead ๐Ÿ‘‘ to greater ๐Ÿ” social ๐Ÿ“– disruption ๐Ÿ˜ท and psychological ๐Ÿง  suffering ๐Ÿ˜ฃ๐Ÿ˜ซ๐Ÿ˜–, and it may ๐Ÿ—“ lead ๐Ÿ‘‘ to increased โž• physical ๐Ÿ‘Š suffering ๐Ÿ˜ฃ๐Ÿ˜ซ๐Ÿ˜– even ๐ŸŒƒ in “advanced ๐ŸŽŠ” countries ๐Ÿ‡บ๐Ÿ‡ธ.

    2 ๐Ÿ•. The industrial-technological system ๐Ÿ—บ may ๐Ÿ—“ survive ๐Ÿ™ or it may ๐Ÿ—“ break ๐Ÿ’” down โฌ‡. If it survives ๐Ÿ™๐Ÿผ๐Ÿ˜ฉ๐Ÿ˜ญ, it may ๐Ÿ—“ eventually โŒš achieve ๐ŸŽ‰๐ŸŽŠ๐Ÿ† a low ๐Ÿ‘‡โš ๐ŸŽข level ๐Ÿ’ฏโ—๐Ÿ‘Œ๐Ÿพ of physical ๐Ÿ‘Š and psychological ๐Ÿง  suffering ๐Ÿ˜ฃ๐Ÿ˜ซ๐Ÿ˜–, but ๐Ÿ‘ only after ๐Ÿ‘€ passing ๐Ÿ’ฏ through a long ๐Ÿ•š and very ๐Ÿ‘Œ painful ๐Ÿ˜ซ period ๐Ÿ˜ฉ๐Ÿซ of adjustment ๐Ÿ’ฐ and only at the cost ๐Ÿ’ธ๐Ÿ’ต๐Ÿ’ด of permanently ๐Ÿ•‘๐Ÿ•–๐Ÿ•› reducing โฌ‡ human ๐Ÿ‘ค beings ๐Ÿ˜ซโœŠ๐Ÿ’ฆ and many ๐Ÿ‘ฌ other living ๐Ÿ™… organisms โ™ป lo ๐Ÿ’œ engineered โš™ products ๐Ÿญ and mere ๐Ÿ˜๐Ÿ’€ cogs in the social ๐Ÿ‘ฅ machine ๐Ÿ“ . Furthermore โ˜, if the system โ˜„ survives ๐Ÿ™, the consequences ๐Ÿ™Š๐Ÿ™€ will be inevitable ๐Ÿ˜ณ๐Ÿ˜ฑ๐Ÿ˜จ; There is no ๐Ÿšซ way โ†• of reforming or modifying the system ๐Ÿ—บ so as lo ๐Ÿ’ฆ prevent ๐Ÿšซ it from depriving people ๐Ÿ‘ซ of dignity ๐ŸŒŸ and autonomy.

    3 โญ•โ„น๐Ÿ•˜. If (lie ๐Ÿค”๐Ÿคฅ system โ˜„ breaks ๐Ÿ’”๐Ÿ˜ฉ down ๐Ÿ”ป the consequences ๐Ÿ˜ก๐Ÿ’ช๐Ÿค› will still ๐Ÿคž๐Ÿ™Œ be very ๐Ÿ‘Œ painful ๐Ÿ˜ญ. But ๐Ÿ˜›๐Ÿ‘ the bigger ๐Ÿ˜ณ๐Ÿ˜ฒ the system โ˜„ grows ๐Ÿ’—๐Ÿ” the more disastrous ๐Ÿ˜ฑ the results ๐Ÿ‘€๐Ÿ’ฏ of its breakdown ๐Ÿ™‡๐Ÿปโ€โ™€๏ธ๐Ÿ™‡๐Ÿปโ€โ™‚๏ธ will be, so if it is to break ๐Ÿ’” down โฌ‡๐Ÿ‘‡ il ๐Ÿ™€ had best ๐Ÿ† break ๐Ÿ’” down โฌ‡ sooner ๐Ÿ•› rather ๐Ÿ‘‰ than later ๐Ÿ•‘.

    4 ๐Ÿ’ฆ. We therefore ๐Ÿ˜ค๐Ÿ˜ก advocate ๐Ÿšซ a revolution โœŠโš” against ๐Ÿšซ ihe industrial ๐Ÿ› ๐Ÿญ system โ˜„. This revolution โœŠโš” may ๐Ÿ—“ or may ๐Ÿ—“ not make ๐Ÿ–• use ๐Ÿป of violence ๐Ÿ”ซ๐Ÿ”ช๐Ÿ˜ฑ: il ๐Ÿ™ may ๐Ÿ—“ he ๐Ÿ‘ฅ sudden ๐Ÿ˜ฑ or il ๐Ÿ™€ may ๐Ÿ—“ be a relatively ๐Ÿ‘ถ๐Ÿป๐Ÿ‘ต๐Ÿป๐Ÿ”ฅ gradual ๐Ÿซ๐ŸŽ’ process ๐Ÿญ spanning ๐Ÿ™ a few decades ๐Ÿ’ฏโœจ๐ŸŽ†. We can’l predict ๐Ÿค” any of that. Bui we do outline ๐Ÿ“„ in n ๐Ÿ…พ very ๐Ÿ‘Œ general ๐Ÿ’‚ way ๐Ÿšซโ†• the measures ๐Ÿ“๐Ÿฅ‰๐Ÿฅˆ that those who hale the industrial ๐Ÿญ system ๐Ÿ—บ should take ๐Ÿ’… in order ๐Ÿ“‘๐Ÿ‡ฎ๐Ÿ‡น to prepare ๐Ÿ™ the way โ†• for a revolution โœŠโš” against ๐Ÿšซ that form ๐Ÿ“‹ or society ๐Ÿ‘ฅ. This is not lo ๐Ÿ’š be a political ๐Ÿ‡บ๐Ÿ‡ธ revolution ๐Ÿ˜๐Ÿ†. Its object ๐Ÿ‘ˆ will be lo ๐Ÿ’ฆ overt h ๐Ÿ…ฟ๐Ÿ…ฐ ro ๐Ÿ…ฑ w ๐Ÿ…ฟ๐Ÿ…ฐ not governments ๐Ÿ’ฉ but ๐Ÿ‘ the economic ๐Ÿ˜‚๐Ÿ“‰ and technological ๐Ÿ’ก basis โ˜„ of Ihe present ๐ŸŽ society ๐Ÿ‘ฅ.

    5 ๐Ÿ”ณ. In this mliclc we give ๐ŸŽ atlcnlion to only some of ihe negative ๐Ÿ‘Ž developments ๐Ÿš€ Hurt ๐Ÿค• have grown ๐Ÿ’ช out of llie industrial-technological system โ˜„. Other such developments ๐Ÿ‘“ we mention ๐Ÿ—ฃ only briefly ๐Ÿ˜Ž or ignore ๐Ÿ’ฉ altogether. This docs ๐Ÿš‘ not mean ๐Ÿ˜ that we regard ๐Ÿ”ฌ๐Ÿ”ฅ these other developments ๐Ÿš€ as unimpor- tant, For practical โค reasons ๐ŸŒŸ we have lo ๐Ÿ’ฆ confine ๐Ÿ‘ฎโ€โ™‚๏ธ our discussion ๐Ÿ—ฃ๐Ÿ‘„ lo ๐Ÿ’ฆ areas โš ๐Ÿ’€ thai ๐Ÿ have received ๐Ÿšซ๐Ÿ™…๐Ÿปโ€โ™‚๏ธ insufficient ๐ŸŒก๐Ÿฅต๐ŸŒŠ public ๐Ÿ†๐Ÿ˜ž๐Ÿ’ฆ attention ๐Ÿšจ or in which we have something โ“๐Ÿค” new ๐Ÿ‘Œ๐Ÿฝ lo ๐Ÿ’ฆ say ๐Ÿ—ฃ. For example ๐Ÿ’ช, since ๐Ÿ‘จ there arc ๐ŸŒˆ well-developed environmental ๐ŸŒ๐ŸŒˆโ™ป and wilderness ๐Ÿป movements ๐Ÿ‘ฃ, we have written ๐Ÿ“ very ๐Ÿ‘Œ little ๐Ÿ‘Œ about ๐Ÿ’ฆ environmental ๐ŸŒ degradation ๐Ÿ˜ญ๐Ÿ‘Œ or the destruction ๐Ÿงจ๐Ÿ’ฃ๐Ÿ’ฅ of wild ๐Ÿ˜œ nature ๐ŸŒฒ๐Ÿ, even ๐ŸŒƒ though ๐Ÿ’ฅ we con ๐Ÿ˜ผ- sider these lo ๐Ÿ’œ be highly ๐Ÿ•› important ๐Ÿ”. , – โ€ข The Psychology ๐Ÿค• Of Modern ๐Ÿ–ฅ Leftism ๐Ÿ˜Ž

    6 ๐Ÿ••. Almost ๐Ÿ’ฆ everyone ๐Ÿšป๐Ÿ‘ฅ will agree ๐Ÿคฃ๐Ÿ˜‚ that we live ๐Ÿ™ in a deeply ๐Ÿ˜ฑ troubled ๐Ÿ˜ง society ๐Ÿ˜ผ๐Ÿ‘Œ๐Ÿ’ฅ. One โ˜ of the most wide โžก- spread ๐Ÿ• manifestations ๐Ÿ˜ˆ of thecraziness of our world ๐ŸŒŽ is leftism ๐Ÿ˜Ž, so a discussion ๐Ÿค” of the psychol- ogy of leftism ๐Ÿ˜ฑ๐Ÿ˜…๐Ÿ˜ˆ can serve ๐Ÿ˜ก as an introduction ๐ŸŽฎ to the discussion ๐Ÿค” of ihe problems โš  of modern ๐Ÿ–ฅ soci- ety ๐Ÿช๐Ÿ…ฐ in general ๐ŸŽ–.

    7 ๐Ÿ’ช๐Ÿ˜‚. But ๐Ÿ‘ what is leftism ๐Ÿคฃ๐Ÿคซ๐Ÿ˜‚? During the first ๐Ÿฅ‡ half โž— of ihe 20th ๐Ÿ’ฏ๐ŸŽ‚ ceolury leftism ๐Ÿ˜ฑ๐Ÿ˜…๐Ÿ˜ˆ could have been practi- cally identified with socialism ๐Ÿšซ. Today ๐Ÿ“…โš™ the movement ๐Ÿ‘ฃ is fragmented and il ๐Ÿ™€ is not clear ๐Ÿ˜‹๐Ÿ˜‰ who can properly ๐ŸŽฉ be called โ˜ a leftist ๐Ÿ†˜. When ๐Ÿ‘ we speak ๐Ÿ—ฃ of leftists ๐Ÿคฃ๐Ÿคซ๐Ÿ˜‚ in this article ๐Ÿ“„ we have in mind ๐Ÿง  mainly ๐Ÿ™ socialists ๐Ÿšซ, collectivism, “politically ๐Ÿ‡บ๐Ÿ‡ธ correct โœ”โœ…” types ๐Ÿ’ป๐Ÿ“ , feminists ๐Ÿ™…, gay ๐Ÿณ๏ธโ€๐ŸŒˆ and disability โ™ฟ activists โœŠ๐Ÿป๐Ÿ“ข๐Ÿ˜ฉ, ani- mal ๐Ÿ’ฉ rights ๐Ÿ‘Œ๐Ÿ’ป activists โœŠ๐Ÿป๐Ÿ“ข๐Ÿ˜ฉ and the like ๐Ÿ’–. But ๐Ÿค”๐Ÿ™…๐Ÿ‘ not everyone ๐Ÿ‘ฅ who is associated ๐Ÿ”— with one ๐Ÿ˜ค๐Ÿ˜ฌ of these move ๐Ÿ“ฆ- , mcnls is a leftist โฌ…. What we are trying ๐Ÿ˜ˆ to gel ๐Ÿค” at in discussing ๐Ÿ˜ก๐Ÿ˜  leftism ๐Ÿคฃ๐Ÿคซ๐Ÿ˜‚ is not so much ๐Ÿ”ฅ a movement ๐Ÿ“ฆ or an ideology ๐Ÿ‘Ž๐Ÿฟ๐Ÿ™๐Ÿฝโ˜ฆ as a psychological ๐Ÿง  type โŒจ, Of rather ๐Ÿ˜ฎ๐Ÿ’ญ a collection ๐Ÿคค of related ๐Ÿ‘ช types โŒจ.

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  3. 11. When someone interprets as derogatory almost anything that is said about him (or about groups witli whom be identifies) wc conclude that he has Inferiority feelings or low self- esteem. This tendency is pronounced among minority rights advocates, whether or not they belong to the minority groups whose rights they defend. They arc hypersensitive about the words used to designate minorities. The terms “negro,” “oriental,” “handicapped” or “cluck” for an African, an Asian, a disabled person or a woman originally had no derogatory connota- tion. “Broad” and “chick” were merely the feminine equivalents of “guy,” “dude” or “fel- low.” The negative connotations have been attached in these terms by the activists them- selves. Some animal rights advocates have gone so far us to reject the word “pel” and insist on its replacement by “animal companion.” Leftist anthropologists go to great lengths to avoid saying anything about primitive peoples that could conceivably be interpreted

  4. I think it can be fairly said that in your definition of leftism you have ignored those who support the capitalist system through their voting and other political decisions in favor of an anti-capitalist system. They can then be regarded as conservative leftists.

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